The 2023 electoral process has revived the age long riverine and upland dichotomy debate in Rivers State. The debate which has become the major platform, upon which ethnic nationalities lay claim to the Brick House, was also the major consideration for power shift from the riverine Ijaws to the upland region in the state.
Rivers State is politically divided into upland and riverine dichotomy. The dichotomy which has long defined politics in the state dates back to the 60s when the state had the first Ijaw Military Administrator after its creation in 1967. From then on, the Ijaws controlled the political structures of the state. However, with the enthronement of the 1999 democratic dispensation, a power shift to the upland region was midwifed by the Ijaw power brokers. The power shift came with an agreement of power rotation between the upland and riverine ethnic nationalities.
However since the power shift was orchestrated to the upland region in 1999, the riverine region which is mostly made up of Ijaws has not had the opportunity to produce a governor. A number of reasons are responsible for this; the major reason however is the creation of Bayelsa State from the old rivers state in 1996 which significantly changed the position of the Ijaws as a majority ethnic nationality in the state. Bayelsa state is made up of eight Ijaw LGAs that were carved out of the old rivers state. Despite this however, the Ijaws seem to have finally struck the right cord with spirited attempts to reclaim power through the 2023 electoral process.
The question however is can they recover enough to upset the new Ikwerre power dynasty in the light of the many socio-economic and political bruises they have suffered in their 24 years of political wilderness? National Point highlights some of the major structural defeats the Ijaws have suffered within the period of upland/Ikwerre political domination; the implication of such defeats and if the 2023 electoral process can become their redemption. The structural defeats include: loss of political and cultural dynasties, underdevelopment, structural exclusion, targeted assassination of notable Ijaw sons and the loss of social relevance.
- Loss of Ijaw cultural dynasties
The first eight years of upland rule witnessed the systematic decimation of Ijaw political and social dynasties. First, there was a state sponsored depredation of Ijaw communities through the enthronement of a regime of unprecedented violence. The era which represents the darkest history of rivers Ijaws, witnessed a level of violence in Ijaw towns and communities ever seen in the annals of the state. The state government led by Dr Peter Odili instigated chieftaincy and social crisis and enthroned an era of cultism that later engulfed the entire Niger Delta region.
Ijaw historical towns and revered chieftaincy stools were desecrated and precious relics from ancient palaces, destroyed. In extreme cases, palace officials were maimed and killed. From Ataba, Amadi Ama, Buguma, to Finima, Ogu-Bolo, Okrika, etc; violence was unabated. For instance, the politicisation of the kingship tussle between the Ado royal house and Ibulubo War Canoe house of Okrika, led to the eventual bloodbath between the ‘Bush Boys’ and Icelanders. The Icelanders, who enjoyed the support of the state government, instituted a regime of terror after they succeeded in dislodging the bush boys. In Buguma, the Icelanders with the support of government officials invaded the Palace of the Amayanabo of Kalabari Kingdom, Professor Theophilus J. Princewill (CFR), King Amachree XI. The audacious invasion resulted in the beheading of the personal secretary to the King. The story is the same in In Ataba, a chieftaincy tussle between Chief Samson Ayandeng and Chief Benson Egwenre transmuted into an untold mayhem which resulted in the death of many young people, while over 60 persons were reported missing. The violence also witnessed the destruction of properties worth millions of naira.
- Destruction of social landmarks in Port Harcourt
Ijaw social presence in Port Harcourt came under unabated attack under the Celestine Omehia administration. Although the Supreme Court later removed Chief Celestian Omehia his successor, Rt. Hon. Rotimi Chubuike Amaechi who is another Ikwerre son, continued the onslaught. Amaechi embarked on an era of state bullying, harassment and institutional annihilation of Ijaw landmarks within Port Harcourt. For instance, in one of his quest to silence the Okrika Ijaws in Port Harcourt and in an attempt to pitch them against their Kalabari brothers, he renamed the ‘Station/Okrika Road,’ a major road within the old Port Harcourt axis, to ‘Chief O.B Lulu Briggs Road.’ Chief Lulu Briggs is a revered Prince of Kalabari kingdom.
He also ordered the destruction of several decade old sign-posts which describes the Borikiri axis of old Port Harcourt Township as ‘Olomu Ogbogbo Ama.’ The sign-post, which identified Ogbogbo which is one of the nine clans of Okrika, as the owners of Borokiri, had been at the Living Gospel Mission Junction along Rex Lawson Road since the 80s. History has it that the Ogbogbos first settled in the area before spreading to parts of Okrika in present day okrika local government area. This was also confirmed by a renowned historian, J.A Fiberesima, in his book; ‘Okrika: In search of an ancestry.’
Other Ijaw landmarks that came under threat in Port Harcourt were Ijaw settlements such as New Road, UPE Sandfield, Macoba, Industry Road, Dockyard, Bundu Ama, Sekeni Ama, Abonema Wharf and Njemanze waterfronts. Abonema Wharf and Njemanze communities which were traditional Kalabari Ijaw settlements, were however demolished and the lands ceded to business associates of the governor.
- Politics of under-development
The years of Ijaw political domination witnessed the spread of even development across upland regions in the state. This was however at the expense of riverine Ijaw towns and communities which have also lost their flourishing micro-economy as a result of pollution of their environment by oil multinationals. Examples of such notable developments sited at upland regions by Ijaw governors include: Rivers State University of Science and Technology (now Rivers State University), University of Port Harcourt, Omagwa International Airport, Risom Palm, West African Glass Industry, University of Port Harcourt Teaching Hospital, Rivers State University of Education (formerly College of Education), Kenule Saro-Wiwa Polytechnic (formerly Rivers State Polytechnic), College of Arts and Science (now Port Harcourt Polytechnic), Liberation Stadium (now General Gowon Stadium), Rivers State Television Authority (RSTV), and other landmark roads, etc.
Although some of the projects listed above are federal projects, it is still argued that the projects were sited at their present locations because Ijaw political governors were liberal and had a pan development plan for rivers state. Although the Rt. Hon. Rotimi Amaechi’s tenure witnessed some spread of development to Ijaw communities, most of such developments have either been abandoned by the present administration or moribund.
In contrast to the pan development witnessed in the 70- 80s when Ijaw governors held sway, the last 24 years of upland political administrations, have witnessed a systematic alienation of Ijaw communities in crucial development policies and programmes.
Examples of such marginalization are the refusal of past and present upland governors to resuscitate the moribund Isaka Sports Institute. The Institute which was established in 1986 by the Fidelis Oyakhilome government was formerly known as the ‘Sea School.’ It was unique in the sense that it combined both formal and marine education. While the formal education offered students the opportunity to embrace sports and regular educational curriculum, the marine education provided training opportunities for Sailors, Seamen and promoted other marine activities.
Another grim example of the policy of marginalization against rivers Ijaws, is the abandonment of the 47.6km Trans- Kalabari Highway awarded at the cost of N9.2 billion by the Odili administration in 2003. The project which was designed to link all the Kalabari local government areas was abandoned by the Odili administration after its initial award. It was however re-awarded by the administration of Rt. Hon Rotimi Amaechi in 2012 at the cost of N21 billion. Speaking at a town hall meeting in Abonnema, Amaechi stressed the importance of the project to the stimulation of the local economy of the Kalabari Ijaws, and informed that the road was a priority. He also said it will be extended to Buguma by January 2013. In his words: “we have awarded the contract to Lubriks for the sum of N21billion. We have agreed to take it to Buguma by January as we will mobilise the contractor to site.” However due to the refusal of the Kalabaris to join the governor in his fight against former President Goodluck Jonathan, the project was cancelled.
Regretting the cancellation, Governor Nyesome Wike who was the flag bearer of the Peoples Democratic Party in 2015, said: “the Trans-Kalabari link road started by former Governor Peter Odili was cancelled by the outgoing Amaechi administration; that singular act negatively affected the Kalabari economy.” Commenting further, Wike assured the people that if elected into office, his government will give the project the needed priority. “When we take over governance on May 29, the construction of the Trans-Kalabari link road will be given priority. I will dutifully revive the Kalabari economy, using this road as a stepping stone.”
Wike however recanted his words upon assumption of office. On June 13, 2018, while addressing a delegation of Ekpeye ethnic nationality, Mr Wike openly boasted that the upland should see their reign in power as an opportunity to get all the needed developments at the expense of rivers Ijaws. He said “those things that you did not get before, you will get it now; if we don’t do it who would do it for us? Now that God has given us this opportunity, we have to do it for ourselves. When other people come, they should do it for themselves.” The statement which is a betrayal of trust marked a sinister agenda against the Ijaws in rivers state. This can also explain why 98% of projects commissioned by the governor, are located in upland regions, especially in his Obio/Akpor Ikwerre axis of the state.
- Policy of structural exclusion
From the inception of 1999 democratic dispensation, riverine Ijaws have witnessed discrimination in notable political appointments into strategic positions in government. Signs of such discriminations are manifest even in today’s political dispensation. For instance, since 1996 till date, no riverine Ijaw has ever been appointed the Chief Judge of the state. Appointments into sensitive executive positions have always been skewed in favour of his Ikwerre ethnic nationality. A look at his appointment of commissioners and special advisers has consistently revealed bias against rivers Ijaws. For instance an appraisal of the list of commissioners in the last seven years, showed that most of the sensitive positions such as; SSG, Chief of Staff, Justice, Finance, Housing, Agriculture, Power, Environment, Works, Transport, Budget/Economic Planning, Energy/Natural Resources, Health, Commerce and Industry, Urban Development, in the state executive council, only three were rivers Ijaws (Agriculture
Environment, Transport). Majority of these positions were allocated to indigenes of Ikwerre ethnic nationality. This is in addition to other appointments into parastatals, and state-wide committees, etc.
- Targeted Assassination of notable Ijaw Political Bigwigs
The rivers Ijaw political decimation climaxed with the targeted assassination of notable rivers Ijaw politicians capable of altering the status quo. The assassinations which were mostly witnessed under the Dr Peter Odili regime were across party lines. Notable rivers Ijaw power brokers opposed to the government were killed while were chased out of the state.
The first victim was Chief Marshall Harry. Until his death he was the National Vice Chairman of the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) South – South. Chief Marshall Harry was the de-facto god-father who birthed the Odili regime. Before his move to the ANPP, he was the PDP National Vice Chairman, South-South. Late Chief Marshall Harry was credited to have played a crucial role in the galvanisation of notable Ijaw political bigwigs within the state and beyond, to support the Odili governorship project. However the duo fell out and parted ways few months after the commencement of the odili administration. Late Marshall Harry’s move to the ANPP was described as a move that could’ve consumed the PDP in the state. He was killed on March 5, 2003, few weeks to the 2003 general elections.
Another rivers Ijaw son assassinated was Chief Alfred Aminasoari Dikibo. Chief Dikibo was brutally murdered on February 6, 2004. At the time of his death, Chief Aminasoari Dikibo was the Vice-Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in the South-South. He was also opposed to some government and party officials whom he accused of instigating the cult crisis in the state. A Port Harcourt based group, ‘South-South Renaissance,’ petitioned President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015 to re-open investigations into the mysterious assassinations of both Chief Marshall Harry and A.K Dikibo. They accused some high-ranking PDP officials been behind the killings. Their accusation was also corroborated by a coalition of PDP support group known as ‘New PDP Reformation Coalition and Support Groups.’ The group also in a letter to the president called for fresh investigations into the deaths.
Chief Gospel Biobele on his part was killed in his house after he allegedly wrote a petition against the nomination of Dr Abiye Sekibo as a federal Minister.
In addition to the deaths, rival armed gangs led by two Ijaw sons, Alhaji Asari Dokubo and King Ateke Tom, who were aided by funding from politicians, engaged each other in an unprecedented blood bath that destroyed many Ijaw communities and also claimed the lives of many young people. The assassination of the notable Ijaw sons and subsequent blood bath between the armed gangs marked a turning point in the violence engulfed Ijaw towns and villages. Although the rivers state government eventually set up a truth and reconciliation commission in 2008 to address the latent causes of crisis in the state, most of the recommendations from the commission were not implemented. Notable findings from oral evidence presented during the commission’s sitting also featured the indictment of top politicians as major sponsors of cultism and violent conflict in the state.
The death of these two and other notable Ijaw sons and daughters, weakened the Ijaw age long political relevance in the state. Today, notable Ijaw politicians can only rely on their counterparts from the upland region for political survival.
- Loss of Political Relevance
The Ijaws enjoyed an unrivalled political climate since the creation of rivers state in 1967. Apart from dominating the local political scene, they were also the power brokers for federal appointments in the state. Before 1999, the Ijaws produced two Military Administrators and two civilian governors. They include: King Alfred Diete-Spiff who was the first military administrator and Ijaw governor of the rivers state. He ruled from May 28, 1967, to July, 1975. Senator Melford Okilo under the platform of NPN became the second civilian and Ijaw governor in October 1979, to December 1983. Chief Rufus Ada George, under the NRC, later became the third Ijaw governor in January 1992. His tenure was however short-lived in November, 1993, by late General Sani Abacha who sacked all elected governors from office. Group Captain (retired) John Ibiwari Ben Kalio was also a Military Administrator of Yobe State, between 1996 and 1998. The Ijaws achieved their dominance using their oil wealth, indomitable spirit, numerical strength and federal connections. Their dominance continued even after eight Ijaw local government areas were ceded for the creation of Bayelsa State in 1996.
They however lost the grip when they conceded power to the Upland region in 1999. The power concession was informed by an existing power dichotomy which divided the state into two political regions. This dichotomy led to the emergence of a new power sharing order which produced Dr Peter Odili in 1999. Dr Peter Odili hails from Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area, an upland axis called ‘Orashi region.’ The agreement which seeks to assuage the feelings of political marginalization and prevent the political dominance by any ethnic nationality in the state, also seeks to foster equity, justice, unity and peaceful co-existence among ethnic nationalities.
Part of the agreement states that political power shall rotate between the upland and riverine regions in a consecutive succession plan not lasting more than eight years in any region. The agreement which was also in response to cries of political domination by ethnic nationalities within the upland region was reached by political stakeholders across party platforms. As later confirmed by Chief Anabs Saraigbe (one of the prominent stakeholders who midwifed the power sharing agreement), power was supposed to shift to the riverine region in 2007 after Dr Odili had successfully completed eight year in office; the Ijaws never envisaged the current power monopoly exhibited by the upland region, especially the Ikwerre ethnic nationality.
Although Dr Peter Odili, who was the first beneficiary of the agreement, betrayed the trust of Ijaw political stakeholders who brought him to political limelight, it was still hoped that the breach would’ve been corrected after the tenure of Rt Hon Rotimi Chubuike Amaechi, whose emergence through the Supreme Court partly contributed to the prolonged Ikwerre dominance. Today, the Ijaws are at the mercy of their Ikwerre neighbours who have effectively shut out the riverine region from political relevance.
Conclusion
While it can be conceded that contemporary politics transcends zoning of political offices, it is expedient to note that our socio-cultural dynamics makes it imperative for such zoning arrangement in order to foster unity, peace and justice for all ethnic nationalities in the state. This is why the 2023 electoral process should be viewed from the lens of an effort to balance political power and a march for the enthronement of political justice.
